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What Role for the EU in Doha?

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Édito Énergie
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What role for the EU in Doha?
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Historical leader of the fight against climate change, the European Union’s influence declined in Copenhagen. This opened the way to the so-called BASIC countries to show their willingness to become a driving force in the international climate agenda. Interestingly enough, the Copenhagen conference also introduced a welcome shift in the traditional UN separation between developed and non-developed countries.

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If industrialized countries are responsible for most of current GHG emissions, emerging countries are the biggest emitters of tomorrow. However, Cancun conference and a strong pressure from the G77 reverted to the North/South partition. Durban saw a regain of European influence as the EU was key to open the discussions on the extension of the Kyoto protocol up to 2020 and to lay the foundations of long term discussions to pursue international agreements beyond 2020.

Yet according to the recent BASIC countries" joint ministerial statement, the ever present battle over the principle of "common but differentiated responsibility" is far from over. So far, among the major emitting countries, the European Union seems to be the only one to keep pushing for a binding agreement. One can wonder if the European Union has an interest to insist on such an agreement whereas the shortcomings of such an approach have been showcased notably by Canada. The country failed its Kyoto commitments and left the protocol without paying any penalties. Instead, India, a fierce negotiator, and most emerging countries (and of course for obvious reasons US) are aiming to work toward a new non-binding agreement that would take effect in 2020. Furthermore, the EU gave up the implementation of the international aspects of the EU-ETS legislation, postponing the introduction of aviation’s GHG emissions in its cap and trade system by one year. The Climate Commissioner explained this decision as a way to acknowledge the progress being made in negotiations on a global emissions deal. This however also illustrates the EU struggle to export its climate governance model beyond its borders. This kind of unilateral decision has indeed been unpopular very early on with countries such as the US, China and India. Multilateralism is the key when addressing climate change issues. Europe should remember to work on solutions acceptable by third parties.

European decision makers need to take into account Europe’s economic crisis. (1) It is well past time for Europe to put costs as one of the main drivers of its energy system, a notion that seemed to have been forgotten as Europe made the choice of one of the most expensive model. (2) They also have a responsibility with regard to European citizen to protect their industry. In this respect, committing to a 30% reduction by 2030 might be a very dangerous move.

Should Europe aim to remain THE leader or rather settle to be a driving force of climate international negotiations among others? The share of EU GHG emissions in 2020 and beyond is not significant enough to justify that EU assumes more than it can. Instead, EU should join others" efforts to contribute to the establishment of a future agreement and avoid well known deadlocks such as those triggered by “binding targets” in not so ancient discussions.

 

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Climate & Energy
Center for Energy & Climate
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Ifri's Energy and Climate Center carries out activities and research on the geopolitical and geoeconomic issues of energy transitions such as energy security, competitiveness, control of value chains, and acceptability. Specialized in the study of European energy/climate policies as well as energy markets in Europe and around the world, its work also focuses on the energy and climate strategies of major powers such as the United States, China or India. It offers recognized expertise, enriched by international collaborations and events, particularly in Paris and Brussels.

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Can carbon markets make a breakthrough at COP29?

Date de publication
30 October 2024
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Voluntary carbon markets (VCMs) have a strong potential, notably to help bridge the climate finance gap, especially for Africa.

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Taiwan's Energy Supply: The Achilles Heel of National Security

Date de publication
22 October 2024
Accroche

Making Taiwan a “dead island” through “a blockade” and “disruption of energy supplies” leading to an “economic collapse.” This is how Colonel Zhang Chi of the People’s Liberation Army and professor at the National Defense University in Beijing described the objective of the Chinese military exercises in May 2024, following the inauguration of Taiwan’s new president, Lai Ching-te. Similar to the exercises that took place after Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taipei in August 2022, China designated exercise zones facing Taiwan’s main ports, effectively simulating a military embargo on Taiwan. These maneuvers illustrate Beijing’s growing pressure on the island, which it aims to conquer, and push Taiwan to question its resilience capacity.

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India’s Broken Power Economics : Addressing DISCOM Challenges

Date de publication
15 October 2024
Accroche

India’s electricity demand is rising at an impressive annual rate of 9%. From 2014 to 2023, the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) surged from 1.95 trillion dollars ($) to $3.2 trillion (constant 2015 US$), and the nation is poised to maintain this upward trajectory, with projected growth rates exceeding 7% in 2024 and 2025.  Correspondingly, peak power demand has soared from 136 gigawatts (GW) in 2014 to 243 GW in 2024, positioning India as the world’s third-largest energy consumer. In the past decade, the country has increased its power generation capacity by a remarkable 190 GW, pushing its total installed capacity beyond 400 GW. 

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The Troubled Reorganization of Critical Raw Materials Value Chains: An Assessment of European De-risking Policies

Date de publication
30 September 2024
Accroche

With the demand for critical raw materials set to, at a minimum, double by 2030 in the context of the current energy transition policies, the concentration of critical raw materials (CRM) supplies and, even more, of refining capacities in a handful of countries has become one of the paramount issues in international, bilateral and national discussions. China’s dominant position and successive export controls on critical raw materials (lately, germanium, gallium, rare earths processing technology, graphite, antimony) point to a trend of weaponizing critical dependencies.

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